Why Does Netflix’s Tidying Up with Marie Kondo Provoke Such Strong Reactions?
There's something about Marie.
Photo: Courtesy of Netflix
It began with the books.
In the fifth episode of her new Netflix series, Tidying Up, organizing consultant Marie Kondo guides a young couple through the process of de-cluttering their stacked tomes: Collect all of the books in your home into a mountainous pile, hold each one in your hands, and ask, “Does this spark joy?” Soon enough, the “KonMari method” came in for criticism, some rooted in misinterpretation—the notion that requiring books to “spark joy” militates against challenging literature—some in misinformation—an erroneous meme in which Kondo suggests keeping no more than 30 books—and some in cheek. “Suddenly people have noticed the dark side of Kondo’s war on stuff,” Washington Post book critic Ron Charles wrote, in a flailing attempt at humor: “She hates books.”
Though Charles admits that Kondo’s advice is not quite so “outrageous,” he prefers to regale us with the organizational systems he’s developed as an academic-turned-critic-turned-Pulitzer Prize judge. (Call it RonChari.) As such, he manages to quote three of Kondo’s broad aphorisms—two from the TV series and one from her bestselling book, The Life-Changing Magic of Tidying Up—but misses out on the reality program’s main appeal, which is seeing her method in action. After all, the lesson she teaches the young couple reflects an avid reader’s feelings about books: To explain what she means by “spark joy,” she asks one of the men to touch a book he couldn’t imagine parting with, and he leafs through a dog-eared copy of To Kill a Mockingbird, fondly remembering the experience of reading it for the first time.
Had it ended with the books, with garbled messages and short-lived controversies, one might’ve described the reaction to Tidying Up as following the pattern of most cultural criticism: argument, counterargument, rebuttal. Rather than petering out, though, the discussion of Kondo, her method, and her Netflix series, which premiered on New Year’s Day, has now smoldered on for more than a month, covering the limits of minimalism, elitism and “social signaling,” and, on Monday, author Barbara Ehrenreich’s ill-conceived “joke” about the series’ use of subtitled Japanese and the decline of American power. For comparison’s sake, my rule of thumb as Paste’s TV editor is to cover streaming series within the first two weeks after their release. Tidying Up with Marie Kondo has touched a nerve.
As Muqing Zhang writes at Paper, Kondo’s race is a factor here, such that the response to Tidying Up reflects the treatment of Asian women as “either a fetishized exotic experience or embodiment of a yellow peril threat.” But to say that “the white public has suddenly turned against her” de-contextualizes the complex of anxieties Kondo provokes, reducing the reaction to a kind of viral backlash. Race, nation, and language are key to understanding why Tidying Up—bringing change to its subjects’ homes that seems insignificant alongside the metamorphoses of Netflix’s Queer Eye, to say nothing of Trading Spaces, Extreme Makeover: Home Edition, and HGTV’s slate of real-estate porn—has become the most unlikely of cultural flashpoints, but it’s the specific, intertwined histories of Japanophilia and Japanophobia in the United States that might help us understand why now.
In the form Zhang identifies, the incoherence of American attitudes about Japan and its people dates back to the second half of the 19th century, when elite appreciation for Japanese art, fashion, and culture—not to mention immigrant labor—began to erode in the face of xenophobia, stoked by race scientists, poets, journalists, and politicians, and often supported by the white working-class. (As it happens, my undergraduate honors thesis at the University of Southern California was on the origins of anti-Chinese and anti-Japanese nativism in California. The remainder of this paragraph is drawn from that research.) To this end, the San Francisco Chronicle identified the Japanese as a “Danger at the Door” in 1893, the year before the Japanese Pavilion, which became a popular teahouse, was built in Golden Gate Park; the founding president of Stanford University, David Starr Jordan, recruited Japanese students and formed the Japan Society of Northern California in 1905, only for the Roosevelt administration to enter into an informal “Gentleman’s Agreement” with the Japanese government to limit immigration two years later. Many of these contradictions fell within the realm of the intimate or domestic, too: As architects imitated Japanese techniques, socialites donned floral kimonos, and the Los Angeles Times cited Japanese “good-boys” as a solution to the “exceedingly difficult problem of domestic help,” for instance, the Chronicle warned that “the intimacy encouraged between Japanese servants… has resulted very disastrously, from the standpoint of morality.”