What Have the Trump Years Meant, and Where Will We Go Now?
Photo by Drew Angerer/Getty
Let’s start with a question: How do you feel today? How do you feel on the eve of Donald Trump leaving the White House, of Joe Biden officially taking over as the American president?
If you’re reading Paste, there’s a greater-than-50-percent chance that on some level, you’re thrilled. I feel it too, just like I felt it on election, um, week, when it became clear that Biden was going to win. On both a psychological and a visceral level, Trump occupying the White House was a nightmare. The policies could have been worse, admittedly, a fact that owes itself mostly to his incompetence, but from damaging fiscal maneuvers like the tax bill to the separation policy that shocked and enraged us, it was a dark onslaught. On the management side, it was steadily bad until COVID-19 hit, at which point it became criminally deficient. And on a rational level, it was alternately embarrassing and (mostly) infuriating to watch a smug egomaniac grin his crude way through a full term as our leader, cheered on at every step by the foot soldiers who would never (will never) leave his side.
At the end of all that, of course it’s normal to feel relief and even a sense of joy. But the reality behind all this is that when someone like Trump takes office, he never really leaves. The legacy of a man who loomed this large in the national conscience does not end the minute he’s off the grounds and the next one is sworn in. That may sound dire—who wants Trump around forever, even symbolically?—but in fact it’s a neutral truth, and the outcome depends on how we react.
On the negative side, we’re not off to a flying start. I’ve written before about the polarization of America, which was in full swing long before Trump came around, and which laid the ground both for his initial campaign and his lingering popularity. The key trait of a polarized people is that they will not change their minds. We’ve seen this phenomenon play out over and over again with Trump supporters, who meet each new outrage with a few tried-and-true tactics, most of which depend on arguing that the other side has done the same or worse, or, more recently, simply insisting that all criticism is a lie. Another uncomfortable truth is that polarization breeds polarization, which means that to a less intense and less sociopathic degree, we’ve begun to see the same intransigence on the left. If your dream for America is that the Trump years will prompt a reckoning that results in material gains for our people, polarization is your greatest enemy. It prevents both Trumpists and liberals from embracing anything remotely progressive, the former because anything on the left is broadly seen as the enemy (regardless of how the left’s policies would materially improve their lives), and the latter because any deviation from doctrinaire democratic establishment capitalism will be seen as dividing the party and making it harder to keep the enemy out of power.
When neither side will budge, and the sides are roughly equal, we call this a stalemate. The problem is that while the word implies a kind of status quo, we know from experience that when a nation is stuck in its respective ruts, what actually happens is that everything becomes worse. Sometimes the devolution is slow and sometimes it’s rapid, but without major change, the general trend is always downward. And the important point on this front is that Trump has ratcheted up this polarization to a dizzying fever pitch. In the last year, we’ve seen riots on the street and an attack on the Capitol, all in the name of political activism. Trump has made it wildly difficult to bridge this gap, since his major contribution to American life was to widen the chasm. It’s a gift you have to assume he’ll keep giving from outside the seat of power.
There is also the problem of what a successful progressive candidate would look like, and how he or she would operate. A two-party system is more than a bureaucratic curiosity; it’s a state of mind. What that means is that along with a set of economic policies (for instance), being a Democrat comes with an implied set of cultural values. As it happens, those cultural values tend to be far more irresistible and end up occupying an outsize spot in the discourse, to the extent that a MAGA Republican could never support someone like Bernie Sanders, since along with Medicare For All or free public education, Sanders comes as part of a package that includes what they would derisively refer to as “wokeness.” And for many, that’s a deal-breaker.